Proponents of the International Liberal order have spent much of its lifespan trying to shield it from criticism. They’ve actively masked its shortcomings, dismissing any flaws and Inconsistencies. A fortune has been spent on media influence campaigns and another on military campaigns to re-inforce this ideal, all to keep the rules based order well made up and hide any signs of cracking. Whether these costly efforts to preserve the sanctity of the liberal order were worth it as opposed to facing the reality of its challenges remains an open question. But here we are, it did not work. At least not in the way that the costume designers intended. The make-up still flaked and the cracks still showed. But even then, the ever zealous stylists insisted: the show must go- on.
Now, more countries are asking questions about the undisputed beauty of the rules based order and predictably, those who spent years crafting its reputation and covering up its shortcomings view this mere questioning as an attack. They overreact because deep down they are aware that the package they are marketing is not complete but hoped no one else would notice or even dare to speak up about it. This panic has made China’s genuine interrogation of the liberal order come off as an outright challenge and attack. But China will not relent and the global south has picked up the scent too.
In his book 21 lessons for the 21st century, Yuval Noah Harari argues that many critics of the liberal system point out its problems but fail to offer solutions. On this point, I beg to differ. China has offered a workable solution. It’s not pushing for the overthrow of the liberal system but rather an upgrade. China’s proposal essentially keeps many of the good things about the liberal order; Free trade, international institutions, cultural exchange, sovereignty and non-aggression, democracy and human rights—at least in principle and advocates for it to be more just and inclusive. It recognizes that the fundamental problem of the liberal order lies in its western-centric nature. And this nature automatically breeds structural inequality for all the rest. And that is China’s biggest crime in the eyes of the liberal order’s stylists: insisting that the system live up to its aspirations.
The liberal order has seen inequality widen among and within nations. The gap between the rich and the poor has significantly increased. When it comes to income, the richest 10% globally make 52% of the global income while the poorest half make only 8%. The wealth gap is even more astounding with the richest 10% owning 76% of global wealth while the poorest just owns 2%. This disparity extends to climate injustice. The wealthiest nations emit more greenhouse gases in total and per capita compared to the poorest nations and yet it’s the latter that bear the brunt of the consequences; floods, drought, food insecurity, and displacement.
We have recently gone through a global pandemic that claimed millions and tested the strength of global solidarity and are now facing a global economic downturn coupled with a surge in regional conflicts that risk escalating into something worse. The InfoTech and Biotech sectors are increasingly running out of control of public oversight, unemployment and the threat of future unemployment are on the rise and many countries are now looking to build physical, economic and ideological walls instead of bridges.
China, more than any nation seems to recognize this impasse and is proposing an alternative approach to global political management. China’s current political ideology and system are always misunderstood either deliberately or out of ignorance. The Chinese managed to borrow the best ideas from ideological currents of the modern world; Nationalism, communism and liberalism.
The Chinese are nationalists at the core with a strong identity that they revere. They have adapted a ‘socialism with Chinese characteristics’ that respects their unique identity and national realities and have chosen to participate and contribute to the global liberal order through their opening up and consistent advocacy for the rule of law and respect to international institutions. The Chinese have not made the mistake of assuming that one system is better than all and fits all national contexts. They have applied logic to international relations and let humans control the system instead of having systems control humans. They have chosen ideological pragmatism instead of ideological purity.
Should China continue on its current trajectory, it will avoid the classic trap of ideology. Essentially, humans should inform and shape ideology instead of ideology governing and informing humans. Ideologies should evolve with new experiences, data and moral insight. When ideologies inform humans, they risk becoming too rigid and form into dogma. This creates a system that resists change, punishes dissent and caters to the few. China’s concept of whole process democracy caters to all—this is why it has had a lot of success with lifting millions out of extreme poverty which is arguably the most democratic outcome of our time.
On the other hand, the West’s democratic systems or most liberal democracies allow for endless democratic processes but often produce very undemocratic outcomes. Question is; what’s the point of choosing a leader every four or so years if the life of most citizens remain unchanged or even worsen? I propose we should adapt a system that would give both in a form that respects national contexts.
While the West has managed to democratize to some extent internally, this success has failed to reflect on the international stage. This could simply indicate that while the liberal ideology in its pure form may work most of the time within western societies, it needs some adjustments when applied globally and within different national contexts.
Currently, we are witnessing the logical conclusion of liberalism within western societies. Ironically, it is liberalism itself that enables the rise of illiberal actors, who reject the very system that elevates them. In other words, liberal societies can elect a fascist or communist leader or leaders that generally reject liberal norms. In theory, the system is designed to contain such outcomes or their consequences through checks and balances but what happens when a liberal system fails to contain illiberal ideas or allows for its tenets to be dismantled from within? This is no longer a hypothetical because current upheavals within Europe and the United States indicate we are already at this stage of the equation.
A system that promised progress seems to have hit a wall and can now only offer paralysis. The liberal order is crashing in on itself—stuck in a cycle where the tools of democracy can be used to un make democracy itself. Even worse, the stylists are stuck in a loop. If they push too hard against the flaking of democracy within then they create a whole new monster. They will be viewed by the citizens as resisting or impeding the democratic will of the people—fighting against the very system they advertised as perfect.
So, the choice is no choice at all, let the will of the people prevail no matter how dangerous or fight against the people and hope for the best. It’s a fight to save the aesthetic—an image of a system that has to be seen as working and offering hope to all. But illusions cannot govern forever, eventually the people begin to see through the make-up, the show can no longer go on as usual, the system must either evolve or collapse under the weight of its own contradictions. China is ringing the alarm now, it’s not attacking the liberal order, it’s just ahead of the curve.
The writer is a senior research fellow at the Development Watch Centre