Why U.S Plan For D.R Congo Question Good for U.S not Kishasha

Massad Boulos, the United States (US) senior advisor for Africa was on Thursday, April 17, 2025
introduced in style. Or did he introduce himself in style. The entrance into the role in Africa is the
most interesting because he was introduced at a time when there is a lot happening globally, but
importantly, Democratic Republic of Congo – the raging war between the D.R Congo government
in Kinshasa, the Rwanda backed M23 rebel faction. He started the introduction by highlighting the
U.S concerns towards D.R Congo under Trump, before unveiling the grand plan his country has for
not only D.R Congo, but the East Africa Region, with “America first.” Massad Boulos is yet
another visitor in the D.R Congo. His visit will be a strategic entrance that will have long standing
effects with the understanding of today’s contemporary matters.He made it clear that the US is pro
peace and only looks forward towards peaceful existence of the East Africa region to which D.R
Congo is instrumental because of the effects it pauses to the global economy if the war continues.

Addressing African media and researchers, Massad Boulos, unveiled the U.S grand plan for the D.R
Congo stated that the U.S calls upon M23 to withdraw its operations from the country, adding that
Rwanda should cease with immediate effect funding of the M23 rebels. He maintained the
allegation of Rwanda backing the M23 rebels in D.R Congo throughout his communications, an
indicator of the U.S position on the conflict. The U.S might have become another official Rwanda
diplomatic enemy in light of Rwanda’s reaction to other countries that have openly stated their
opposing positions towards Rwanda. Massad Boulos intimated how he has been on a busy schedule
in the past weeks on the Africa continent, meeting among others, the current head of the East Africa
Community, H.E William Ruto, President of the Republic of Kenya, Rwandan President Paul
Kagame and officials in Kampala.

D.R Congo is one such country that will never run out of ‘friends’. History has shown that, and the
keen observers know that this ‘friendship’ has been posited on various factors, but mineral wealth.
Looked at closely, D.R Congo has been having the conflict ongoing for a long time, with M23-
Rwanda-D.R Congo occasionally making headlines to regional body discussions like the EAC,
SADC, and Africa Union, and internationally to the United Nations Assembly. Now that the U.S
withdrew fulfilling much of its obligations to the U.N, all eyes are on Massad Boulos’s grand plan.
With diplomacy during war, intentions are advised to be reviewed from beneath rather than from the
onset. Afghanistan and Ukraine are world examples whose mention of U.S involvement will never
be erased. Massad Boulos noted that peace in D.R Congo will be beneficial for every nation
globally, but with a major focus on economic stability. No doubts about that.

But the eye opener of Massad Boulos’s highlights was that there are companies of U.S origin whose
operations were affected by the advances by the M23. He called for a win-win diplomatic
conversation of key players, as a stair-way for U.S companies to make penetration into the D.R
Congo markets. In the various analyses by Development Watch Centre regarding the D.R Congo
question, what has been maintained is the need for honest diplomacy in the bid to achieve long
lasting peace in D.R Congo. It is therefore shocking to wonder what makes Massad Boulos think
that the questionable U.S economic diplomacy will be the key to unlocking the much sought peace
in D.R Congo.

The EAC and SADC not so long ago had their armies in D.R Congo, both having later withdrawn
due to various geopolitical realities. The new African Union Secretariat has been on a spree of talks
for the concerned parties in the ongoing war. The United Nations security council has before it
ongoing discussions with China’s backed Global Security Initiative framework lingering for
realising longlasting peace. But Massad Boulos believes the U.S can pull off the magic of the

century in the D.R Congo. History laughs in the face of any such plans. The U.S now faces much
criticism under the Trump administration because of its foreign policy. It therefore goes without
saying how interesting it is that Massad Boulos intends to solve the D.R Congo question by
engaging countries that the U.S imposed tariffs on, and suspended from AGOA, while using an
economic policy of laying a foundation for U.S private sector investment into the region. But it is
not surprising because of the growing list of allies the U.S is losing by day.

The U.S and Ukraine deal on rare earth stands at great risks, China has recently reciprocated tariffs
on some rare earth that the U.S has been benefiting from, the European Union is on guard, and what
a way to seek a solution, but from a war stricken D.R Congo. Massad Boulos, just like his bosses in
Washington D.C is aware of the U.S steady decline of influence globally, and for long, Africa had
been neglected on its radar. Now with the East refusing to bend the knee, and growing economic
uncertainties, D.R Congo has been pointed to as the antidote. But certainly, peace will not be
achieved in D.R Congo through such an entrance as highlighted by Massad Boulos. In fact, it is not
about peace, but a seek of grip on Africa’s mineral cradle Washington badly needs.

Alan Collins Mpewo, is a Senior Research Fellow, Development Watch Centre.

60 Years of Congo’s Independence: Power, Complicity and Protest

By Hans Haebeke, Anymar Nyenyezi, Koen Vlassenroot

As the Democratic Republic of Congo celebrates its sixtieth birthday, the country stands at an important crossroads. Marked by the struggles and protests of a population suffering from violent conflicts, predatory rule and social exclusion, after six decades the current leadership, led by President Felix Tshisekedi, has a historic opportunity to embark on a long and difficult path to further emancipation. To succeed, he must give space to the voice of Congo’s citizens and their strive for change.

The recent popular protests in Kinshasa against the parliamentary consideration of three bills, which aim at reforming the judicial system to considerably strengthen executive control, illustrate the stakes and challenges at play today in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). When protesters  invaded the seat of parliament late June 2020, they wanted these bills abandoned. Irrespective of any factional political considerations, many protesters believe that the attempt to muzzle the judiciary on the heels of the historic trial against Vital Kamerhe (the President’s chief-of-staff) is only one of the many strategies in which former President Joseph Kabila, and his parliamentary majority, continue to drag the population. As one of the demonstrators expressed:

‘These politicians want to muzzle justice because they are afraid of being convicted of corruption and embezzlement. But if justice cannot or will not do its job, we will continue our resistance on behalf of the people, even if it costs us our lives.’

The Tshisekedi presidency responded that it understands the people’s reaction, showing its attachment to the rule of law.

This political context reminds us that the DRC’s sixty years of post-colonial history are essentially a history of struggle and protest, which have often confronted, in opposition or complicity, the ruling elites, international actors and the ordinary Congolese population. A rereading of this long and complex history through such a lens allows us to understand the country’s current potential turning point, towards a future shaped by the choices and power relations between these three main forces.

The six past decades have seen a succession of war, attempts at secession, decades of kleptocratic authoritarian rule (over 30 years under Mobutu and nearly 20 years under Joseph Kabila), regional conflict and intervention. The economy and infrastructure have been reduced to rubble while the social fabric has been tested to breaking point with the generalised mantra of ‘débrouillez-vous’ (take care of yourself). Most of the countries’ citizens endure debilitating poverty, while those living in several provinces, mostly in the East, see little relief after decades of violence. The country, often dubbed a ‘geological scandal’ for its abundant mineral resources, lingers at the bottom of (human) development and governance indexes.

Starting with independence from colonial rule in 1960, there have been several aborted opportunities for change, mostly because of a mix of domestic and external causes. The current state of affairs indeed has its roots in a larger history of colonialism, neo-colonialism and predatory rule. Yet, we should be careful not to reduce our reading of Congo’s history to one solely in terms of what went wrong. Most of the discussions triggered by the 60th anniversary of independence will be no exception to the existing narrative that limited effort has been made to increase the well-being of Congo’s population. Elsewhere, we argue that we should  create space for a counter-narrative and try to look at the endogenous processes and struggles that have been a constant part of Congo’s history. Such view could confirm that the country today might indeed be at a crossroad towards a more emancipatory future.

 

The deep social crisis to which Mobutu’s thirty-two years of rule gradually led the DRC is strongly rooted in Belgian colonisation, Cold War neo-colonialism and predatory rule. The Congolese had to wait until the end of the Cold War – when the Western allies no longer needed Mobutu – to raise their voices and for the international community to stop turning a blind eye to Mobutu’s crimes against his own population. The aspirations for change in the 1990s, triggered by the announcement of a democratisation process, ended in the collapse of Zaire and its institutions and the war that installed Laurent Desire-Kabila. The civic movements that mushroomed during these processes, which gave voice to a broad range of agendas from democratisation to the resistance against what was considered the country’s foreign occupation, helped to awake and shape a strong political consciousness.

The ‘end’ of the regional wars in 2003 and the elections of 2006 were the next moments of hope. Even though it led to a sense of normalisation in different parts of the country, the dreams of structural change proved short-lived. Violence in the East continued and the economy was captured by the ruling elite that governed through increasingly violent repression. This could not prevent the Congolese, little by little, claiming the streets to raise their voices and discontent. In early 2015, when the Kabila regime seemed to lay the foundations for a constitutional change that would allow it to perpetuate its hold on power, the street said ‘enough!’ Congolese society at large rejected the status-quo. International and regional actors understood that any attempt by the regime to remain in power would lead to high levels of violence and increased pressure on the Kabila regime to respect the constitution.

When delayed elections were finally organised in December of 2018, these did not result in the immediate, revolutionary change that many had hoped for, yet they showed a sophisticated reaction to a complex political situation. The recent protest directed at the legislative attempt to impede the rule of law shows that the population has not demobilised – it remains a potent force for change.

Congolese are now a little more than three years away from the 2023 presidential, legislative and provincial elections. The immediate political future remains highly uncertain, and power struggles in Kinshasa and protracted conflict in the East continue to produce a risk for further turmoil. In a speech to Parliament, President Tshisekedi argued that it is necessary to provide a future president with a stronger mandate. As he stated, this should be part of a broader national reflection on electoral reform. The outcomes of such reflection will strongly depend on his capacity to listen to the voices of the Congolese and to the partnership that can be formed between both dynamics. The DRC’s regional and international partners have the responsibility to accompany this process.

 

This article was first published in the LSE website