Seventy six years on, the Chinese project teaches us dynamism

By Joshua Kingdom

According to U.S. Bank, China’s overall exports have increased in recent months despite Trump’s hostility towards the Asian superpower upon re-ascending to the presidency. This was only possible because of Beijing’s decision to reduce its dependence on Washington when the first tariffs were slapped against it back in 2018. The shift in policy represents a consistence in reimagining circumstances that is now part of the DNA of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Unfortunately, rigidity appears to be the constant in majority of countries there warranting some reflections on the CPC’s journey thus far on this historical day.

True in Beijing as elsewhere, every intending leader worth his salt has a set of principles on which they rally their base; non-violence and self-rule for Gandhi in India, Leninism for Lenin in Soviet Russia, African nationalism for Mandela in South Africa, etc. Having lived in an era during which his country was engulfed in a bitter battle over its soul for close to forty years, high on Mao Zedong’s agenda was stability. Corruption was another given Chiang Kai-shek’s patronage. The trajectory of things for the Chinese Red Army therefore, only began to differ from the common pattern in nation building post-1949.

The first mistake that revolutionaries commit is failing to realize that being the face of a movement that is seeking power is quite different from assuming authority yourself. When Nelson Mandela became President for example, his real challenge shifted from discrimination itself to redress of the damage it caused almost overnight. He could not therefore, continue to operate as he did during his activist days. In China, once the communists effectively took hold of all command, they had to switch gears to.

Importantly, things were never straight in these early days, and they have continued not be in several of the modern endeavours that the world’s second largest economy has embarked on. Deng Xiaoping’s pragmatism best captured by the popular statement “it doesn’t matter if a cat is black or white, as long as it catches mice”, was born of the difficulties that citizens endured following the 1958–1962 reforms. The marker that has seen China transform itself from impoverishment to becoming a first world country hence, lies less in the leadership getting it right all the time but a willingness to correct for errors whenever they appear.

This mentality is difficult for politicians of the world to replicate because it carries within it an admission of making mistakes something which though very human, has come to be associated with incompetence. But as the communist party has persisted with experimentation, the results in the aftermath have been difficult to argue against showing that the predominant narrative could not be further from the truth. Mainly, this owes to the fact that trial-and-error fosters a growth of ideas best optimized for the prevailing social-political atmosphere by throwing out those that they outperformed.

Taking one day at a time also cultivates ground for the emergence of an open-minded set of leaders i.e. those willing to commit to adjusting the status quo in the wake of new conditions to harness. In involving himself and colleagues in lengthy exchanges with among others, President Bill Clinton resulting in which Jiang Zemin agreed to a drastic recalibration of the party’s domestic economic model so as to join the World Trade Organization, the General Secretary at the time was embodying this very spirit back in early 2000s. Had he not, as other Presidents have been known to, China would have missed out on the unprecedented expansion that it has experienced subsequently.

China’s case study has equally shown that when failing to attain set objectives is disentangled from ill-intent (unless of course, one has good evidence to believe otherwise), another go at the same idea can produce spectacular returns. Going back to Mao’s second five-year plan, we can see that despite its unfortunate outcomes, the overall goal of industrialization was not the issue but rather the mechanisation. And admitting this aided those that came after him to devise better ways around the question.

States should as such, not be seen as non-static objects with futures cast in stone but rather targets moving at every opportunity they get. By embracing this uncertainty, societies will give their leaders more room to breathe and they will in return build systems that better anticipate the problems of their times and accordingly devise matching solutions.

The writer is a research fellow at the Development Watch Centre.

 

The Paradox of Mao’s Legacy: How Revolutionary Flexibility Shaped China’s Economic Miracle

Different political scientists have argued that the market reforms implemented in China, which explain its great economic success today, were engineered and inherited from Mao Zedong’s theory and practice in guerrilla tactics, which premise flexibility as a key strategy in any exercise. I want to share my thoughts on this idea and argue against the common assertion that Mao was a disaster for China, and that only post-Mao leaders take credit for the country’s economic transformation. I would like to read the Chinese economy as one punctuated by the characteristics of pragmatism, flexibility, experimentation, and adaptability. And these characteristics, I posit, are deeply founded in Mao’s leadership norms as a guerrilla fighter and revolutionary.

During Mao Zedong’s leadership, he faced mainly two opponents – the Nationalists and the Japanese invaders. To defeat them, he employed guerrilla tactics to overcome the overwhelming odds, and thus he had to fight flexibly, improvise for his weaknesses, and adapt to local conditions in order to survive. These practices were embedded in the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) organisational culture and survived Mao, thereby finding new applicability when post-Mao CCP leaders embarked on economic reforms. China’s transformation was never inevitable. It is possible that without the influence of Mao’s ideas, CCP leaders might have insisted on the rigidity of Soviet-style central planning, which would have stunted China’s economy longer and further. But to adopt the constant experimentation of what works and flexibly abandoning what didn’t, they managed to spur growth.

Tourists bowed three times to the statue of Mao at Mao Zedong Square on Tuesday to express their deep feelings and gratitude in 2023. 

It is not fair to judge Mao only based on the catastrophe of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. His legacy was wider than that. And his failures inherently initiated positive outcomes because they made way for pragmatism, flexibility and adaptation. Mao had preceded Deng Xiaoping in pragmatism because he had deviated from the dogmatic application of Marxist-Leninist economic prescription. Therefore, when, in highlighting China’s shift towards result-oriented governance, Deng famously adage(d) in the 1970s that “It doesn’t matter whether a cat is black or white, as long as it catches mice,” he was walking in the footsteps and echoing the voice of Mao. The market reforms that Deng and other post-Mao leaders implemented germinated out of soils tilled and mulched by Mao’s institutional and ideological legacy.

Under Mao, the CCP had to navigate delicate and complex challenges. They faced external threats from the West, dealt with excruciating internal conflicts, got sunk into economic crises, but surmounted them all. It was the resilience acquired in these turbulent times that allowed the flexibility of change that saw the CCP dismiss Mao’s collectivist policies and embark on freer market reforms. Moreover, the framework of ideology and rhetoric that reformers applied to maintain and continue the socialist revolution in China was critical to Mao’s legacy.

Mao’s ideas and practices as a guerrilla can also be traced in the establishment of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in the 1980s. One can see the tactics of experiment, flexibility and adaptability in the way the SEZs were operated, with cities like Shenzhen working as laboratories in which foreign investments were tested, private enterprises were nursed, and export-led growth was first risked before it was scaled nationwide. This is how economic instability was avoided and instead poverty was reduced, GDP growth was sustained, and China was able to integrate into the world economy without incident. It is not difficult to see consistency in how Mao attempted to industrialise China’s rural areas during the Great Leap Forward with the model of SEZs, which experimented with localised economic reforms, although with the necessary modifications.

We should not fail to analyse the paradox of Mao Zedong’s complex legacy because of his weaknesses and mistakes. History is more complex than that. It is highly possible that the mistakes of a leader play a critical role in the success of her or his successor. And when this happens, one cannot distinguish or remove the “mistakes” from the “success.” This is true of Mao’s legacy. It is hard to imagine the economic success and political resilience of China without the foundation laid by Mao’s ideas and practices, even those judged by history as disastrous failures.

The writer is a senior research fellow at the Development Watch Center.

President Xi’s Stand on Education and Talent Development at China’s Two Sessions 2025 is Welcome

At the ongoing China’s Two Sessions 2025, Chinese President Xi Jinping made very important commitments as he stressed the importance of education in development. President Xi underscored the role of education in supporting scientific and technological development and talent development which he described as important for national and individual development.

This, President Xi who is also the Secretary General of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the chairman of the Central Military Commission noted that will result into what he described as a steady stream of talent, unlock individual potential and ensure their abilities are fully utilised thereby contributing to efforts of driving Chinese modernisation.

In a meeting of the third session of the 14th National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) – CPC’s top political advisory body, Xi emphasized that to “develope a high quality educational system that meets public expectations, the key lies in deepening comprehensive education reforms.” This he observed can be achieved through granting schools greater autonomy in decision-making, and refining school management systems. The Chinese leader stressed this will contribute to “nurturing a new generation of “capabale young people with moral grounding, intellectual ability, and work skills.”

On science, technology and innovation support, President Xi stressed that to “achieve a sound interaction between independent sci-tech innovation and self-reliant talent training,” education plays a major role and emphasised the need to “refine mechanisms for aligning talent cultivation with the needs of economic and social development. Noting that “boosting education and sci-tech and talent development is a shared responsibility,” Xi urged CPPCC to embrace the idea of leveraging its role.

While one can argue that the two sessions 2025 is a China affair, if critically analysed, full implementation of two sessions policies does not only benefit China but Africa and the entire world stand to benefit from China’s two sessions’ blueprint. This is premised on the fact that today, China is the world’s second largest economy and that almost all countries in the world are benefiting from China’s growing economy and technology growth. As observed by International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) Division Chief researcher Jean-Marc, “the very fact that China is also bigger, it means it has a bigger footprint in the rest of the world.  An increase in the trade surplus might be small from the Chinese perspective, but it could be big from the perspective of the rest of the world.”

Also, considering China’s stated vision of building a community of shared future for mankind in the new era, one can safely argue that a successful China means a successful world. This is more so especially that other major countries are preferring nationalistic and isolation policies; withdrawing foreign support in favour of home development.

For Africa, the two sessions deliberations came at a time after China and African countries  elevated their relations to “all-weather China-Africa Community with a shared future for a new era.”

Also, African countries including Uganda stand to benefit from China’s reformed education that will see sci-tech, innovations and talent development given emphasis. It should be recalled that over the years, the Chinese government has offered tens of thousands of scholarship opportunities to African scholars. The education support China offers to African countries ranges from university degree scholarships, both short and long term for professional and government financials as well as funding research and innovation programs.

Taking Uganda alone as an example,  by the end of 2021, China had provided over 5,000 short-term training opportunities for Ugandan talents, covering a wide range of fields; among others agriculture, medical care, public administration, computer science and infrastructure.

If critically analyzed, Africa-China cooperation in the education sector is strategic and mutually beneficial. Partly, this is because African countries’ capacities to give tertiary and higher education to their energetic and young population are constrained.

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) notes that Sub-Saharan Africa is one of the largest regions in the world with a small tertiary education enrollment ratio which stands at 9.4%. This number is  far below the global average of 38%. This figure means that with its 16% of the global population, Africa contributes just 1% of global research.

Relatedly, with China’s promise during the 2024 Forum on China Africa Cooperation where Beijing promised to continue supporting African countries’ education sector, Xi’s remarks at the ongoing two sessions 2025 offers Africa hope that the continent’s scholars will continue benefiting from China’s education. That said, China’s education support to African countries is timely and will go hand in hand in helping the continent make positive strides in  her scientific research capabilities which is also key among the goals of African Union’s Agenda 2063.

The writer is a senior research fellow at the Development Watch Centre.

China’s Path to Modernization and its Implications for Uganda and Global South By Moshi Israel

In a 2021 speech marking the CPCs centenary, President Xi Jinping declared; “Through the continued efforts of the whole Party and the entire nation, we have realized the First Centenary Goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects. This means that we have brought about a historic resolution to the problem of absolute poverty in China, and we are now marching in confident strides towards the Second Centenary Goal, building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects.”

While addressing media and Ugandan Think Tanks during a Symposium on the Implications of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) themed by “Forge Ahead on the New Journey and Work Together for A New Era,” at Chinese Embassy in Uganda, Chinese Ambassador to Uganda, Zhang Lizhong stressed that China’s development path will see China match towards Beijing dream of realizing the Second Centenary Goal and see China advancing into a more modern socialist country. Stressing that the recently concluded CPC National Congress “established the core position of General Secretary Xi Jinping in the Central Committee and the whole Party, laying a solid political foundation for striving for the great success of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era,” Ambassador Lizhong expressed confidence China is on right track with its development path.

China’s path to modernization is one rooted in centuries of exploration. Like all journeys, it is not a straight forward path but a long winding curve, a learning curve. China’s path to modernization holds key implications for developing countries around the world, and in this context, Uganda and arguably, many countries in the global south.To understand the path to modernization from a Chinese perspective, going back in time is a necessary step.

During the Qing dynasty (1644-1912), China was a weak Imperial state with rampant civic corrupt infrastructure. The weak Qing empire was reduced to a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society following the opium war of 1840s. China had to endure what came to be known as a century of humiliation as foreign powers ran amok and exploited the Chinese people. The calamities befalling China in this era spurred many people to seek new ways to strengthen and unite a weak China and change their trajectory through development and modernization. The building blocks for a strong independent China started forming in the minds of Chinese people during this tumultuous period.

Fast forward to the 20th century which saw the rise of China’s Communist Party (CCP). China underwent a communist revolution in 1949 that ushered in the birth of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which subsequently came with a fresh and more determined commitment to modernization. Under the CCP, China has set a clear path to modernization and has made significant strides. In a report delivered by CPC’s Secretary General who is also Chinese President Xi Jinping on the opening ceremony of the 20th CPC National Congress, he reiterated the central purpose of the CPC stressing that; “from this day forward, the central task of the CPC will be to lead the Chinese people of all ethnic groups in a concerted effort to realize the Second Centenary Goal of building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects and to advance the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation on all fronts through a Chinese path to modernization.”

The Chinese model of modernization is similar in some respects to other processes of modernization. However, it is unique in the fact that China pursues modernization with Chinese characteristics. This is important to note for a country like Uganda because it emphasizes the idea of considering national realities while addressing national challenges. China’s model presents an alternative path different from the western world. For many decades, developing countries have applied western generated solutions to their economic, social and political problems and have acquired little to no success. Many times, these solutions such as the Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) recommended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have outrightly failed. As president Xi, put it, China’s model offers a new direction of modernization.

China’s path to modernization is especially remarkable given the fact that it had to lift billions of its citizens out of absolute poverty. This has had a broad and worldwide impact and has greatly contributed to the cause of human progress.

Furthermore, China’s modernization model it involves material and cultural-ethical advancement and harmony between humanity and nature. The planet is currently facing an existential climate crisis and China wants to lead the way in combating the challenge. China’s commitment to environmental action is not mere words. The country is actively involved in Global Environmental Governance and International Cooperation. China has promised to peak its carbon emissions before 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality before 2060.

Within China, the CPC seeks to adopt new initiatives as indicated by Mr. Han Wenxiu (Official with the CCP Central Committee for Financial and Economic Affairs) to narrow the gap between different regions, rural and urban areas and different income groups. On the world stage, China seeks peaceful development. It supports a world order based on addressing the world’s crises. To China, a multipolar world based on mutual respect and cooperation is an ideal one. The message is simple, a strong China means a better world.

At some point before the founding of the PRC, China tried to achieve modernization through generating material wealth, carrying out institutional reform and trying to copy western development models without success. Instead of running around in circles, the CPC led China on a new path. During the First Session of the Third National People’s Congress, from 21 December 1964 to 4 January 1965, then Premier Zhou Enlai emphasized the importance of turning China into a strong socialist country through the modernization of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. It wasn’t until 1978, that China paved the way for its reform and opening up through a landmark event of the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee.

The CCP used a three- step development strategy for China’s modernization. The first step was to double the 1980 GNP and ensure the people had enough food and clothing. That objective had been attained by the late 1980s. The second step was to quadruple the 1980 GNP by the end of the 20th century. This was achieved in 1995, ahead of time. The third step, is to increase the per capita GNP to the level of medium-developed countries by the mid-21st century. At which point, the people will be well off and modernization achieved.

To a developing country like Uganda, China’s path to modernization serves as a blueprint. Uganda has the opportunity to learn from both the west and China and then choose the most suitable path to realizing her own modernization with Ugandan characteristics. The drive to achieve this goal must be people centered with the aim of achieving prosperity for all. China’s path shows that there is hope and much has to be done. These words of president Xi, at the end of this year’s report to the 20th National congress of the CPC should be the unanimous battle cry of every leader in the developing world and particularly ruling political parties’ world-over; “Let us keep in mind that empty talk will do nothing for our country; only solid work will make it flourish. Let us maintain firm confidence, unite as one, and forge ahead with resolve. And let us strive in unity to build a modern socialist country in all respects and advance national rejuvenation on all fronts.”

Moshi Israel is a senior research fellow at the Development Watch Centre.